My Lords, I beg to move Amendment 109A, which proposes a new clause. I freely admit that the content of what I am about to say is really nothing to do with the Bill; the Bill is a vehicle for a change quite unconnected with its main thrust. Oh! You can forget to take your mask off.
During Oral Questions on 22 February, I raised the issue of food-related crime and the resources devoted to it. The then Minister, the noble Lord, Lord Bethell, pointed out that the Food Standards Agency constituted the National Food Crime Unit in 2014 and that Ministers were in dialogue about increasing its powers. Indeed, in his supplementary answer later he went further and said that
“its investigatory powers could be enhanced and its impact improved. That is the view of the Government, industry and the police, and that is why we are committed to the dialogue, first suggested by the Kenworthy review”.—[Official Report, 22/2/21; col. 614.]
The food crime unit’s work is about tackling serious organised or complex cases of food crime. The unit, and indeed the Food Standards Agency—which, of course, is a non-ministerial department—can use the powers of RIPA and CHIS, and the unit can access the police national computer and the automatic number plate recognition system. But in key aspects, the unit cannot get into the serious complex cases without the support of hard-pressed partners in policing and local government.
The police have never taken food crime seriously and admit that it is not a high priority. I first came across food crime when I went into MAFF in 1997. I had the same issue when I arrived at Defra a dozen years later. I am not criticising; this is the reality. It is not counted as proper crime, yet billions of pounds are involved—and what is more, there is the risk to public health. There is an issue there.
Delays owing to competing higher-risk police priorities have proven detrimental to a number of food crime unit investigations. The unit needs the powers to be able to go to the courts rather than have the police doing it once removed. In fact, all the unit needs is access to the powers in the Police and Criminal Evidence Act. There have been some cases in the recent past where the police have been unable, unavailable or reluctant to apply for warrants on behalf of the unit. There have been delays when the food crime unit has had to wait for police officers to become available or when police withdrew support because of other priorities.
The gangmasters authority, among others, has secured these powers. In fact, my amendment is a straight copy of the amendment put into the Police and Criminal Evidence Act on its behalf, so I did not have any trouble drafting anything. Of course, the Public Bill Office was incredibly helpful, but I am just following a process that has happened before.
The lack of these powers is affecting staff in the unit due to it being a real constraint. The officers of the unit, none of whom I have spoken to, are well qualified to present cases directly. They consist of ex-police officers of very senior rank, ex-National Crime Agency officers and ex-police intelligence officers, so they are fully qualified in other circumstances to go to court to get the warrants. We are talking about seizure and search; that is the limit of what is in the amendment. The former
chair of the Food Standards Agency, Heather Hancock, has said that the National Food Crime Unit cannot do its job relying on the kindness of the police to lend their powers in important cases.
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The issue was considered by the National Audit Office in its report Ensuring Food Safety and Standards, HC 2217, in June 2019. Paragraph 13 said:
“The regulatory system lacks the full range of enforcement powers to ensure businesses supply safe food.”
Paragraph 1.30 said:
“The NFCU does not yet have the statutory enforcement powers it needs to investigate food crime such as powers of search and seizure. As an interim measure, it has agreed protocols to work with police forces, but to operate independently in the longer term it will need new powers conferred by Parliament.”
So the Food Standards Agency, a non-ministerial government department, wants the powers; the National Police Chiefs’ Council agrees that it should have the powers; and the National Audit Office agrees that it needs the powers to act independently.
Is the scale of food crime such that these extra powers could be used? The unit was set up in 2014, after my term at the FSA finished in 2013, and came as a result of the brilliant work of Professor Chris Elliott, who looked into aspects of the horsemeat scandal. None of that ever went to court. Food companies do not sue each other in court, which is too open and transparent; there were other ways of dealing with that. We were lucky that it was not a public health issue—it could easily have been. The point is that when the unit was set up, it was worked out that 10 full-scale investigations could be managed by the unit in a year. When I looked at this for my Oral Question in February—I have not chased it up since—data from the first quarter of 2020 showed that more than 30 operations had been opened, in addition to the 40 pre-existing operations.
This is a very simple amendment. It is not new, because the Gangmasters Licensing Authority had the same amendment put in place for exactly the same reasons, so there cannot be anything technically wrong with the amendment. Everybody involved wants it. I see the noble Lord, Lord Blencathra, who of course cannot speak on this as a member of the Food Standards Agency board, nodding in approval, for which I am very grateful. The noble Lord, Lord Krebs, who was the first chair of the Food Standards Agency, wanted to speak tonight, but he had to return to Oxford. The problem is that this was always going to be debated too late.
The answer to the problems lies in this very simple amendment. The morale of the National Food Crime Unit will be vastly enhanced by Parliament giving it this extra bit of power. It will not be putting pressure on the police, first to take an interest in the issue it raises, which the police are not really too bothered about. It also saves the police being involved in going to court to get the warrants. The unit is more than well qualified to deal with the issue on its own.
I arrived here today with two expectations. One was that I would be on my feet at midnight. The other was that it is so simple—everybody wants it—that the Government would accept it. I beg to move.