My Lords, I thank all noble Lords who have spoken in this debate, which has been very constructive. I thank my noble friend Lord Moylan for tabling the amendments. I applaud the noble Lord, Lord Cashman, for promoting the need for balance, and the noble Lord, Lord Ponsonby, for his concluding words.
I say at the outset that the Government do not disagree with my noble friend’s view that people should not be inhibited from saying what they think, provided that it does not transgress the legal framework that this Parliament has put in place. Noble Lords would all be concerned if the activities of the police were—even if inadvertently and quite possibly for the best of motives—having an adverse effect on particular individuals who had committed no crime. If that possibility were having a chilling effect, as the noble Lord, Lord Pannick, said, or causing people to temper their quite lawful remarks, that would be a most unsatisfactory state of affairs.
That is my starting point. I will try to set out some of the background to the issues raised by the amendments that are before noble Lords. My noble friend Lady Noakes asked: how have we got here? It is a key legacy of the Macpherson inquiry, set up to consider the issues surrounding the murder of Stephen Lawrence, and is intended to give the police the means to understand tensions within communities before they escalate to serious harm.
As the name implies, the data pertains to incidents that are not crimes. It can include location data to know where repeat incidents of apparent tension and hostility might occur—for example, outside a place of worship. In this respect, the data is vital for helping the police build intelligence to understand where they must target resources to prevent serious crimes that may later occur. The importance of such intelligence has been illustrated where its use could have prevented real harm. The tragic case of Fiona Pilkington and her daughter, subjected to persistent hate and abuse and where the police failed to draw the links to repeated incidents of harassment, is a prime example.
Of course, non-crime hate incidents may also include the collection of personal data. Some of these records will include an accusation of hate crime that has been made against a person but was not proven. I know there has been concern that such data might appear in enhanced criminal record checks, which are required for jobs such as working with children and vulnerable adults, and that a person could be inappropriately disadvantaged for expressing a sentiment that is in no way criminal.
Precisely to guard against that possibility, the disclosure of non-conviction data in such checks is covered by statutory guidance issued by the Home Office to chief officers of police. This makes it clear that the police should disclose such information only after careful consideration and when it is proportionate and relevant to the job in question. Data of this kind can be disclosed only on the say-so of a senior officer, who
should also consider whether the individual concerned should be given the opportunity to make the case that the information is not shared. Individuals also have the right to request an independent monitor to carry out a review of whether information is relevant to the role for which they are applying.
In practice, it is rare for the police to disclose non-conviction information of any kind: only 0.1% of enhanced certificates included such information in 2019-20. However, I fully understand that the public are concerned with how the collection of non-crime hate incident data might infringe fundamental liberties, particularly free expression, and may harm a person’s future prospects. However, I do not think that it is as simple as saying that the issue could be resolved through the introduction of more stringent regulations governing the processing and disclosure of data. We need to avoid unintended consequences through any reform of this practice. First, we need to ensure that we do not tie the hands of police in collecting the non-personal location data that I describe, and which can be vital in building an understanding of hotspots where serious harm might occur; this takes us back to the point made by the noble Lord, Lord Cashman, about balance.
Secondly, it is important to remember that the process of determining whether a crime has occurred is not always linear or simple. While the law on hate crime is clear, the process of determining whether an offence was committed may not be. The use of non-crime incident recording can exist in the grey space between the police making initial inquiries and making records such as this, and a decision to take no further action due to lack of evidence, or where a suspect cannot be identified. Non-crime hate incident records often form part of the normal record-keeping of early criminal investigations.
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The data recorded may prove material to establishing a pattern of conduct when an investigation is reopened, or where further criminal complaints are made. Simply put, suggesting a clear dividing line between work to tackle crime on the one hand, and this form of data collection on the other, is not entirely accurate. The data is part and parcel of crime prevention. It must, however, be fair and proportionate to the harm that it is seeking to avoid. The public must also have faith that it does no more than strictly necessary to tackle this harm and preserves free speech. I set this out to make it clear that this is not a simple issue, as the noble Lord, Lord Ponsonby, said, nor one that can be solved just by the stroke of a pen.
However, as I said at the start of my remarks, the Government have considerable sympathy with the intention behind my noble friend’s amendment. Earlier this year my right honourable friend the Home Secretary wrote to the then acting chief executive officer of the College of Policing, and to the relevant lead in the National Police Chiefs’ Council, to ask them to explore further and consider whether there are realistic and credible options for reforming non-crime hate incident recording to improve personal data protections for those connected with incidents which do not lead to a criminal charge. That is to address the question raised
by the noble and learned Baroness, Lady Butler-Sloss, and to agree with my noble friend Lord Forsyth of Drumlean. I am happy to say that the College of Policing has given this issue serious consideration and come up with some suggestions which the Government are now considering. The college has also pointed out that there is ongoing litigation which is very pertinent to this issue. Accordingly, it would not be appropriate for me to set out a definitive position on what happens next. To all noble Lords, I say wait and see. We will need to see how the litigation pans out and to engage in ongoing dialogue with the College of Policing.