The width of this power seems extraordinary and constitutionally offensive. As I understand the drafting of the Bill, it is open to a Minister to pass regulations which allow him to identify individuals on whom he can impose a sanction or prohibition that he has invented. What is more, the only restriction on him is that it must be for the purposes set out in Clause 2(1). If the Minister honestly believes that the invention of a new sanction or prohibition is justified by “a foreign policy objective” of the Government—for example, gaining support from one country by attacking its nationals in this country—the power given by Clause 39 would entitle them to invent a new prohibition and impose it by regulations. Furthermore, should any primary legislation stand in the way of a Minister inventing such a new prohibition that he or she believes is designed to promote a foreign policy objective, that primary legislation can be amended to get rid of an objection by the very same regulations under Clause 44(2). That a Minister could do by secondary legislation such a thing—for example, restrict somebody’s spending their own money, prevent them leaving their home, take away their car or stop certain sorts of bank account being used—without primary legislation strikes me as well beyond what any responsible Government would think should be done by secondary legislation. Can the Minister confirm that my analysis of what could theoretically be done is right, and explain why it is appropriate that that be done by secondary legislation?
Sanctions and Anti-Money Laundering Bill [HL]
Proceeding contribution from
Lord Falconer of Thoroton
(Labour)
in the House of Lords on Wednesday, 29 November 2017.
It occurred during Committee of the Whole House (HL)
and
Debate on bills on Sanctions and Anti-Money Laundering Bill [HL].
About this proceeding contribution
Reference
787 c718 Session
2017-19Chamber / Committee
House of Lords chamberLibrarians' tools
Timestamp
2018-04-16 11:36:56 +0100
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