UK Parliament / Open data

Health and Care Bill

Proceeding contribution from Justin Madders (Labour) in the House of Commons on Tuesday, 23 November 2021. It occurred during Debate on bills on Health and Care Bill.

I thank my hon. Friend for her intervention and I will later talk a little about outsourcing and the role it has to play. We believe that plans should be built from the bottom up, not from the top, and that implies the involvement of ICBs, NHS trusts and foundation trusts. ICBs and their strategic arms, integrated care providers, will not be functional for some time. That is a shame, but it does not mean we should not proceed with the amendment.

The scale of the workforce challenge is well established: high rates of vacancy, inadequate levels of retention, and much more. It goes far deeper than numbers and structures, to issues of workforce terms and conditions, particularly in social care. It must also cover cultural issues, as there is a clear indication that all is not well in the NHS in terms of diversity. There is also whistleblowing, and aspects of how staff are nurtured and supported. At its very best, the NHS is very good, but unfortunately that is not the story across the board. It should be good in every part.

On that theme, let me mention the continuing disgrace in the way that some members of the NHS workforce are treated. I find it unacceptable that cleaners, porters, catering and IT staff are still being outsourced by trusts that are trying to make tax savings or outsource services to the lowest bidder. Perhaps the Minister can look into the current dispute at South Warwickshire in that regard, as we do not think that is a template to follow. Workforce planning is not a problem that can be solved quickly, although increased funding in social care could help that. For the NHS, the long term is indeed a long time—for example, the time needed to develop and train GPs and consultants. More money is not the only answer; technology and reform of the way we work must all be part of the mix. However, the labour-intensive nature of care will not fundamentally change, so we must look at workforce numbers as the priority. It is often said that failing to plan is the same as planning to fail. Some colleagues believe that a failure to plan is exactly that—a route to ending the NHS as we know it by showing that it fails. However, the Bill suggests an acceptance that a plan is needed, and work is under way. Hopefully that work is not being handed out to more consultants, of whom we see enough already.

Labour will support the amendment tabled by the Chair of the Health and Social Care Committee, which we hope will be pushed to a vote. I hope I have not been too effusive in my comments about him—I have a reputation to maintain after all—but I will refer to the excellent report done by his Committee on workforce burnout, which in many ways is the cornerstone of what we are debating. In its conclusion, the Committee said:

“The emergency that workforce burnout has become will not be solved without a total overhaul of the way the NHS does workforce planning. After the pandemic, which revealed so many critical staff shortages, the least we can do for staff is to show there is a long term solution to those shortages, ultimately the biggest driver of burnout. We may not be able to solve the issues around burnout overnight but we can at least give staff confidence that a long term solution is in place.

The way that the NHS does workforce planning is at best opaque and at worst responsible for the unacceptable pressure on the current workforce which existed even before the pandemic.

It is clear that workforce planning has been led by the funding envelope available to health and social care rather than by demand and the capacity required to service that demand. Furthermore, there is no accurate, public projection of what health and social care require in the workforce for the next five to ten years in each specialism. Without that level of detail, the shortages in the health and care workforce will endure, to the detriment of both the service provision and the staff who currently work in the sector. Annual, independent workforce projections would provide the NHS, social care and Government with the clarity required for long-term workforce planning.”

That conclusion shows what we are trying to achieve today. That is the nub of it: if not now, when? When will the Government finally accept the obvious that has been staring them in the face for years?

New clause 29 would require the Secretary of State to lay before Parliament a fully funded health and care workforce strategy to ensure that the numbers, skill and mix of healthcare staff are sufficient for the safe and effective delivery of services. It builds on other amendments, and seeks further assurances by putting patient safety and safe staffing levels at the heart of workforce planning, by setting out how the Government will be required to act to assess and rectify shortages. It seeks to ensure

that the workforce will be on a sustainable footing in future. Patient safety should be our primary concern. We have the evidence base: when there are not enough registered nurses, mortality rates change and health outcomes are worse. I accept that the level of detail in the new clause is significant, but we consider that necessary to underscore the importance of setting out how this will be delivered.

2.30 pm

New clause 12, which deals with the use of the title “nurse”, follows one that we tabled in Committee, on which we got sympathy and agreement from the Minister but were told that it was not quite good enough. Nevertheless, we will continue to support new clause 12, for the reasons we have already set out. Even if it does not get approval today, we hope that the Government will look into the issue and involve all those who need to be involved in trying to reach a satisfactory conclusion.

Currently, the title “registered nurse” is protected but “nurse” alone is not, meaning that anyone can legally call themselves a nurse. Under current legislation, someone could operate under the title “nurse” even if they have no nursing qualifications or experience, or indeed if they have previously been struck off. To protect the public, the title “nurse” should be limited to those who are registered with professional regulators, such as registered nurses and dental nurses, as is the case with titles such as “paramedic” and “physiotherapist”, which are limited to those on professional registers. The issue of the title “nurse” not being protected in law has long caused concern in the profession. There have been many examples where the use of the title appears to have been abused, and it is about time we put an end to that.

I turn to the issues covered by Government new clauses 36 to 48, which appear to respond to new clauses 21 and 22. New clause 21, in the name of the hon. Member for North West Durham (Mr Holden), would prohibit virginity testing. This horrendous so-called procedure has absolutely no basis in science; instead, it is based entirely in misogyny. The Royal College of Midwives states:

“We are clear that virginity testing is a violation of women’s and girls’ human rights. In addition to being wholly indefensible and offensive, there is no medical benefit to virginity testing, and it is in any event not possible to conclude through an examination of the hymen whether or not a woman or girl is a virgin (even if such an examination was justifiable),”

which, clearly, it is not. Similarly, the World Health Organisation has said that this is a practice of abuse.

The hon. Member for North West Durham has done a superb job in advocating for the end of this gross practice and, as with the new clause he tabled in Committee, he has assembled a strong cross-party coalition of support for new clause 21. We are therefore pleased to see that Government new clauses 36 to 48 seek to consign this practice to history.

About this proceeding contribution

Reference

704 cc216-8 

Session

2021-22

Chamber / Committee

House of Commons chamber
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