If we need to moderate debate because I have called on people to put themselves forward and seek a democratic mandate, I stand to be corrected, but the people of my constituency are looking at the Labour party. More than 60% of the people who voted in my constituency voted for my party at the general election. When I hear Labour Members tell me that they speak more for the people I represent than I do, I am entitled to say that they should put themselves forward in Lagan Valley at the next election. Seek a mandate. Take me on. I am more than happy to contest the Labour party in Lagan Valley. Let us see then whether I speak for the people of Lagan Valley or they do.
5.45 pm
I really believe that having an election for the sake of it does not get us beyond the current political impasse. Again, for the record, let me say that the DUP stands ready to engage in dialogue and to go into government. We are not preventing the people of Northern Ireland from being in government. We have an electoral mandate to be in government, but Sinn Féin—one party; itself alone—is preventing the people of Northern Ireland and my party from exercising the right given to us by the people to provide government for the people of Northern Ireland.
I say to the hon. Member for South West Wiltshire (Dr Murrison) that I am supportive of his amendment calling for the Secretary of State to have regard to representations from Members of Parliament, because that is not an unreasonable suggestion. Members of Parliament, not just on our Benches, but even those who do not take their seats, should have the opportunity to provide input and advice to the Government on this. I am bound to say, however, that that is not a substitute for what we would have liked to have seen: in the absence of a fully functioning Assembly, at the very least we would have liked its Members to have been given a scrutiny function. In the exercise of those powers, those Members could, thus, scrutinise the Government Departments that are to be the subject and beneficiary of this legislation. It is a matter of regret that the Government have resisted such a proposition because Sinn Féin is unlikely to take part. Yet again, Members of the Legislative Assembly will not have the opportunity to be involved and have a role in this process because one party, alone, declines to take part. When people talk about vetoes, we can talk about the petition of concern, but Sinn Féin does not need to exercise a petition of concern to refuse to take part in the function of government in Northern Ireland; it simply consults its illegal army council, gets instructions from Connolly House and refuses to be in government. That is the situation we are in at the moment, and it is a pretty dreadful one.
Let me turn to new clause 7, tabled by the hon. Member for Walthamstow (Stella Creasy). She says she respects the principle of devolution, yet some of the Members supporting the new clause have put forward Bills in this House of Commons that would have the effect of undermining devolution in Northern Ireland. Therefore, I take with some concern this notion that what is proposed is not about interfering with the devolution settlement, as I fear it does.
I also wish to deal with the suggestion that is integral to the new clause, which is that the reason we need to make this amendment to the Bill is the ruling of the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court did not rule that the law should change in Northern Ireland—that is absolutely the case. The hon. Member for North Down (Lady Hermon) is much more learned in the law than I am, but I have to say to her that I have consulted the Attorney General for Northern Ireland and he tells me clearly, in writing, that the Supreme Court judgment does not obligate the Northern Ireland Assembly to change the law.