Absolutely. I cannot give with any real certainty the exact reason why Britain uses the orders more than anywhere else, except for the fact that—I can definitely say this—our human trafficking rates are much higher compared with other European countries. The issue that worries me is that British Governments of many colours over many years have prioritised domestic violence services and protection orders in relation to human trafficking, and it would be a real stain on what is not a bad reputation for this Government—certainly on human trafficking—if we undid some of the protections that we rely on very heavily in the realm of human trafficking.
While the number of EPOs granted since their inception is still quite small, because the framework is very young—let us say that, in its infancy, it is the hon. Member for Birmingham, Yardley compared with the hon. Member for Stone—there is no telling how the uptake may increase in the future. We must certainly not deprive survivors making use of the orders of what they have been guaranteed so far, otherwise they will continue to be vulnerable and to be abused. Amendment 385 would ensure that, at the very least, UK courts continued to recognise EPOs issued by EU member states.
There are a great many other ways in which the UK co-operates with the EU on issues such as human trafficking, female genital mutilation and forced marriage. Such issues are prevalent in many parts of the country.
For example, in 2010, up to 900 schoolgirls across Birmingham were at risk of FGM. One in five children in Birmingham will have experienced or seen domestic violence before they reach adulthood, and at least 300 forced marriages take place in the west midlands every year.
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New clause 77 would ensure that the Government must report to Parliament on how much progress they have secured on all forms of co-operation with the EU to tackle violence against women and girls. It also speaks to the issue of funding for specialist services that support victims of violence and domestic abuse, and research into ending violence against women and girls. Post Brexit, UK-based services will no longer be eligible for several generous pots of money currently provided by the EU. For some organisations, such as the Iranian and Kurdish Women’s Rights Organisation, that could mean a drop of up to 40% in their funding. Without a replacement, those organisations simply will not survive. My new clause would require the Government to make an assessment of just how much money UK organisations stand to lose post Brexit and how they are planning to replace it.
Given that amendment 385 and new clause 77 are endorsed not only by 21 Labour MPs, but by Members from almost every party, including the Conservatives, will the Minister please tell the Committee whether the Government will accept the principle of the amendments?