I appreciate the opportunity to speak. I rise in support of amendments 72, 184 and 185. I am disappointed the Minister will not accept a single amendment or new clause tonight.
It is clear from the amendments that have been tabled, and from many speeches we have heard today, that there is general opposition among Members to the power grab in the Bill, even from people who aspire to be Whitehall Ministers and would wield that power if they did. I also think that the previous Prime Minister—the one who dragged us into this mess with his cunning plan of a referendum—would oppose it. His respect agenda did not run very far, but it did at least run. I urge the current crop of Ministers to aspire at least to clear that very low bar.
The Scottish Secretary has assured us on several occasions that powers repatriated from Brussels will to be held at Westminster only temporarily. We could call that the “fluffy protocol”, or the political equivalent of, “It’s only resting in my account, guv.” As yet, however, we have seen nothing to suggest there is anything coming down the road to confirm that that is guaranteed to happen. If that were the intention, surely the sensible, logical and easy thing to do would be to have a sunset clause in the Bill that would see the powers transferred to devolved Administrations timeously. Numerous experts, including witnesses to the Scottish Affairs Committee, on which I sit, have advocated that but, like several other things that should have been achieved, that has not happened.
The in-depth analyses of the effects of Brexit that were promised have not been delivered to the devolved Administrations. Some extremely superficial desk research was proffered as if it were the Rosetta stone, but the paucity of what has been delivered leads me to the inescapable conclusion that the Government have no idea what is or might be down the road, or what turns the road might be taking before we get there. The only certainty Ministers seem to have is that the map says “Here be no monsters”. Well, there are monsters, and they are in the Bill. The monsters are those that will damage devolution settlements with the tearing away of responsibility, power and resources from the devolved Administrations to be sucked into the abyss that is a Whitehall trying to deal with Brexit.
Judging by the confusion, bewilderment and disorientation that we have seen so far—just today, in fact—the aftershocks of Brexit are likely to keep hitting the UK—its economy, its international standing and its ability to attract immigrants—for decades. There are no indications that anyone in Whitehall will have the time, patience or inclination to run the rule over coming legislation to make sure that Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland are properly considered. The devolved Administrations deserve the right to try to mitigate the deleterious effects of Brexit as much as is possible. I believe that the attitudes in each of those Administrations, including Stormont when it gets back on its feet, will differ from those here in great measure on a number of issues. My hon. Friends have already made significant reference to that issue. I appreciate that large swathes of England are about to get sideswiped by the effects of Brexit as well. They undoubtedly have cause for complaint, but I am here to speak for Scotland.
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It is clear from our debates of the past six months or so that there is a deep-seated misunderstanding about the issues affecting Scotland, and the same is true for Wales and Northern Ireland. Yes, that is a criticism of the Government, but I understand, actually, where this is coming from, as 17 million or so people live in the south-east of England, and population projections show that growing until everything is broken. I appreciate that ministerial attention will be focused there. Scotland does not get, and never will get, the ministerial attention from Whitehall that is needed to address its problems, so surely the sensible thing is to allow the Scottish Government to take care of Scotland and the Welsh Government to do the same in Wales. The Northern Ireland Executive can pick up the slack when they get back to work as well.
As I have pointed out in interventions, what concerns me most about the Bill is the executive power that can be wielded by an individual Whitehall Minister without reference to the devolved Administrations or anyone else with an interest in what is being done. Surely that works against the spirit of devolution. Amendment 72 would force that issue into the Bill and hang approval of the clause 11 process on a nod from Edinburgh, Cardiff and Belfast. Surely no democrat would oppose that. It will surprise no one to hear that my preference is for the powers over all these issues to go to Holyrood, where they can be wielded properly. My fear is that they will stop in Whitehall and atrophy to the point where those who want to use them can no longer find them.