My Lords, Amendment 80 in my name has the support of other Members of this House, including—he asked me to indicate this—the noble Lord, Lord Woolley, who sadly is not with us now. This amendment adds to the list of voter identification documents that are accepted for the purpose of being able to vote. It is carefully framed so as to be consistent with the statement in the Conservative Party manifesto, because I understand the importance for us in this House of working within the conventions of the respect we give to manifesto pledges. I will share with the Committee the exact words of that manifesto:
“We will protect the integrity of our democracy by introducing identification to vote at polling stations, stopping postal vote harvesting and measures to prevent any foreign interference in elections.”
My view on that list—and I think it is the view of almost everyone in this Committee—is that there is indeed an issue of postal vote harvesting, and we do indeed need measures to prevent foreign interference. I do not believe that the challenge of voter ID is a significant risk in the British electoral system and I do not think anyone has presented any evidence that it is; nevertheless, it is clearly within the framework set out in the Government’s manifesto and we should respect it.
So my amendment tries to do two things. First, it adds some more photo IDs to the current list of photo IDs—such items as the student identity card, the 18-plus student Oyster photocard and the national railcard. I am trying to add, as far as possible, to the list of photo IDs.
But the amendment goes further than this. It includes other documents that are not photo IDs. Here, I am very influenced by the second document, to which I pay almost as much attention as the Conservative manifesto; namely, the report by my noble friend Lord Pickles. In his important report Securing the Ballot, recommendation 8 says:
“The Government should consider the options for electors to have to produce personal identification before voting at polling stations. There is no need to be over elaborate”—
we hear the authentic voice of my noble friend there—
“measures should enhance public confidence and be proportional. A driving licence, passport or utility bills—
I emphasise “utility bills”—
would not seem unreasonable to establish identity. The Government may wish to pilot different methods. But the present system is unsatisfactory; perfection must not get in the way of a practical solution.”
So, at the stage at which my noble friend produced his report, which has been widely cited throughout the debate on the Bill, he clearly envisaged that it should not be just photo ID.
The Minister, in his response to the earlier debate, took us through the subsequent process, where there was piloting of a range of measures, and said that the pilot with photo ID had strengthened security the most. I accept that point. The question is, to what extent is security the key consideration? Given that voter personation is such a minor problem compared with other genuine issues around security, going for maximum security by requiring photo ID to tackle a problem that is not itself a major issue in our electoral system seems to me to be disproportionate compared with the disadvantages of photo ID. That is why I am trying, within the spirit of the report of my noble friend Lord Pickles and the Government’s own election manifesto, to provide as long a list of documents as possible, so that we will not face that challenge of people who are legitimately entitled to vote finding that, because they do not possess an ID, they are turned away from the polling station.
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I am very aware of the experience in Northern Ireland. Of course, Northern Ireland has distinct problems and we cannot just read across from Northern Ireland to the rest of the United Kingdom. Northern Ireland began with a longer list of documents and, in the light of experience of continuing problems with voter personation, in 2003, I think, went specifically to photo ID. It seems to me that that would be a reasonable approach here: namely, we start with a long list of documents and, if the Government ever had evidence of a significant problem of voter personation, because large numbers of people were turning up with utility bills that were bogus, and we therefore needed to crack down on this novel and hitherto unexpected abuse, it would be absolutely understandable and they would have the powers in this legislation to delete some items from this list. It seems sensible to start with a long list and then, if in the light of experience it proves that there is, for the first time in English electoral history, significant abuse in the form of voter personation, at that point we could move to a shorter list and delete some of the items.