My Lords, I strongly support my noble friend. When I came to this House, I was told that this was a place in which, line by line, we scrutinise legislation to make sure that, whatever its policy objectives, it is properly constructed, workable law. I was also told that we pay particular attention to things that have not been debated fully in the Commons. I came here happily, ready to try to assist in that sort of thing.
That is not what we are doing now. These proposed new clauses have not been considered by the House of Commons. They were not sent to us from the
House of Commons; nor were they tabled when they could have been. In her introductory remarks, the Minister did not give us any indication as to why we are getting them at this stage and why they were not tabled in the Commons, or at least at the beginning of Committee stage in the Lords. It seems to me that political considerations have taken precedence over all considerations relating to making good law and, indeed, policing protests satisfactorily and effectively.
This is so unsatisfactory because this group of proposed new clauses covers at least five fundamental issues, to which my noble friend referred. The new offence of locking on is a completely new offence with no obvious precedent in existing law; it therefore requires pretty careful consideration, first, as to whether it is necessary and, secondly, as to what the consequences will be of having on the statute book provisions as bizarre-sounding as some of them are. I will not trouble the Committee with the details at this late hour, but locking on and
“being equipped for locking on”
are wholly new elements being introduced into our criminal law.
Then we have “search without suspicion”. We succeeded in excising that from other, earlier legislation, but here it comes back to us. Subsection (7) of the new clause proposed by Amendment 319F states:
“A constable may, in the exercise of the powers conferred by subsection (6), stop any person or vehicle and make any search the constable thinks fit whether or not the constable has any grounds for suspecting that the person or vehicle is carrying a prohibited object.”
Should the person concerned, perhaps out of the sort of anxiety that has arisen after the Sarah Everard case, feel that they are being asked to do something unreasonable, perhaps even dangerous, they must remember this:
“A person commits an offence if the person intentionally obstructs a constable in the exercise of the constable’s powers under section (Powers to stop and search without suspicion).”
This is very discomforting language to find in legislation.
That is two fundamental issues already. Then we have “obstruction of highway”. The Minister explained the reason for one of the odder provisions in that proposed new clause, but it has a rather bizarre effect. Let us say that the road outside your house has been blocked for a week or two by some public undertaking supposedly carrying out works, although you never see any workmen there or anything happening; that is a fairly regular occurrence. You decide with your neighbours to protest about this, so you all gather in the road and effectively block the road, perhaps to the machine that the company has at least brought along. If the company says to you, “You’re blocking the road”, and you say, “No, you’re blocking the road. We’re protesting at you blocking the road”, you are still committing an offence because you are blocking the road—even though it is already blocked. That is what is provided for under this legislation. Sometimes one must look at the secondary consequences of legislating badly.
Then there is “Obstruction etc of major transport works”. I tried to assist the Minister in making this a little clearer; she was very helpful in producing the
note that she had been given. However, again, there is a slightly bizarre effect. Having announced that we will not get the rest of HS2 to serve us in the north but, in various other ways, lines will be improved and some bits of new railway will be put in, none of that is covered by any of the provisions referred to, as far as I can see—not that the people of the north are eager to stop rail improvement. Perhaps some of these issues will not arise but, again, if you try to write legislation around an individual set of circumstances that has arisen, you get into trouble. You turn into general law attempts to deal with very specific cases.
Then we come to the issue to which my noble friend Lord Paddick gave particular attention: serious disruption prevention orders. Here, again, I must refer to the work of the Delegated Powers and Regulatory Reform Committee. It described the orders, some of their features and the fact that they can be imposed on people who have not been convicted of any offence—the orders are not limited to the prevention of criminal conduct, either—by saying that the proposed new clause
“allows the Secretary of State to issue guidance to chief officers of police and chief constables in relation to SDPOs, including … identifying persons in respect of whom it may be appropriate for applications for SDPOs to be made”.
I am genuinely puzzled as to what that means or what the consequences will be.
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I am particularly concerned by the advice of the committee that says,
“We consider that new section 342V”,
which is the equivalent of Amendment 319K,
“contains an extreme example of a power to issue guidance on the exercise of statutory functions. It allows the Secretary of State to influence the exercise by the police of functions that could prove to be highly controversial—including identifying persons in respect of whom the courts may make serious disruption prevention orders under which people who have not been convicted of any offence—and are not considered to be at risk of offending—may nonetheless be made subject to restrictions on liberty backed by criminal penalties.”
That is very serious and I am sure the Minister will have thought about it and seen the report, by this stage. I am concerned to know what she has to say about it. I regard this new material as being inappropriately introduced to the Bill at far too late a stage and very dangerous.