My Lords, it is a pleasure to follow the noble Lord, Lord Roberts, although I fear I am going to disagree with him on pretty well every point he raised.
Although I am very cross about what has happened since we voted to leave the EU, I speak today more in sorrow than in anger. I am deeply saddened that not only has the decision of the British people been betrayed but that a golden opportunity to forge a new course for our country has been deliberately spoiled, muddled and fudged. Although it may be obvious from my remarks, I am not going to tell the House how I voted in the referendum. Once that was over, it should not have mattered. Every effort of everyone should have been devoted to getting on with the task of making a success of our new role in the world. What has dismayed and frustrated me more than anything is the number of people who never wanted us to leave the EU and who, under the pretence of wanting to improve the legislation, have sought to sabotage it and thwart the will of the people. They should have been honest from the start.
Now, at least, some of them are coming out into the open. Many, however, are still being duplicitous—playing a double game. This debate is not about whether we leave but about how we leave: it is not whether, it is how. I can do no better in setting out the context of this debate than to quote from the totally reliable, completely unbiased House of Lords Library briefing
for this debate. It says that the Bill will provide for the repeal of the European Communities Act 1972 and convert EU law at the moment of the UK’s withdrawal from the EU into domestic law, as a category of law called “retained EU law”. It also provides for retained EU law to be modified to correct deficiencies that may have arisen as a result of withdrawal. It is as simple as that. In the simplest terms, we are transferring all EU law into our own, and giving the Government the power to tidy up where necessary, subject to appropriate scrutiny. What could be more straightforward?
All great issues are essentially very simple. We make them complicated when we do not want to face them. Those who do not want us to leave the EU are deliberately muddying the water, complicating arguments and doing everything they can to prevent us leaving. They have already done great damage to our programme for leaving, they have given succour to our opponents and now they are in danger of urging your Lordships’ House, careless of its reputation, to further impede progress.
Even at this late stage, I say again, in sadness rather than anger, that I sincerely hope that they have a change of heart, and that if they feel they cannot help they will at least refrain from hindering. This should be a national team effort to get the best result for our country. It is very hard to win if half the team want you to lose and are working to that end.
The impression is sometimes given that the British people are half-hearted about leaving—are changing their minds. Nothing could be further from the truth. The vast majority of the people just want us to get on with it and are tired of all the infighting and backbiting. What should have been one of the most exciting events in our history has become a total turn-off for so many people.
Finally, I hope that we can stop talking ourselves down, pass this Bill—perhaps with some sensible modifications—and get on, with the help of our friends and allies throughout the world, including the Commonwealth, with seizing the opportunities that our new-found freedom will present.
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