My Lords, we are approaching the end of what has been a serious and expert debate on the Care Bill, which has clearly drawn considerable support from your Lordships’ House. However as speaker after speaker has pointed out, there is a marked contrast between the Bill’s intentions and the reality of the health and social care system, which is under huge financial pressure at the moment. Of course, this Bill puts new pressures and responsibilities on local authorities, but there are no signs yet as to how those authorities are to find resources.
We are happy to co-operate in postponing deliberation of Part 1 of the Bill, to allow it to take place after the spending review has been announced. However, in a sense that concerns the future and future responsibilities. The fact is the crisis is here now in relation to social care. Very little has been heard from the Government about how they intend to respond to it. I hope the noble Earl will say something about it tonight. Many noble Lords have referred to the eligibility criteria and the intention to set this at a national level to get consistency and deal with the issue of the huge variation that is now apparent throughout the country. This has been widely welcomed, but I would tell the noble Earl that we certainly expect the Government to publish the all-important draft regulations before we go into Committee to deal with this important matter. I would be grateful if the Minister will confirm that he intends to do that.
He will know that there is widespread expectation that the Government will set the national level at the “substantial” level. I do not expect the noble Earl to confirm that tonight, but does he agree with the noble Lord, Lord Rix, that local authorities have increasingly moved the threshold up to the substantial level, with, of course, prevention and early intervention being unavailable? May I also ask him about the risk of those local authorities which do not at the moment set the threshold at the substantial level, actually raising it in the light of the national criteria being set at that level? That way, we will have national consistency, but it will be consistency where provision is at the meanest. That would cause considerable concern in many local authority areas.
The noble and learned Lord, Lord Mackay, and my noble friend Lord Warner raised the question of Clause 22 and the all-important boundary definition between the means-tested social care and the free-at-the-point-of-use NHS. The noble Lord, Lord Sutherland, hopes that at some point this might be a thing of the past, but at the moment this is a critical delineation between
the two services. The Minister will know that the Select Committee was concerned that a court might view any changes in the wording as implying a change in the meaning of the provision. It is important that we hear a response from the Government about why we ought not to worry about that.
The noble Baroness, Lady Campbell, spoke so eloquently of the problems of people being shunted between the two services because of the cost implication between local authorities and the NHS. At the same time, the noble Baroness passionately promoted the need to support disabled people to be as independent as possible. This is not an issue that will go away and we will need to come back to that in Committee in terms of the new meaning—if it is a new meaning— in Clause 22.
This is not just a Bill for older people, but the challenges that older people face are formidable, as my noble friend Lady Bakewell said. Like my noble friend Lord Lipsey, I welcome the Dilnot provisions and the cap—as far as they go. However that is not the complete picture. The cap and increased threshold will reduce the risk of catastrophic costs, but there is a concern about the way that people of modest means will be treated. I listened with great interest to what my noble friend Lord Lipsey said about the operation of the means-tested tariff and the impact on people with modest income. My noble friend Lord Warner does not quite take his view on that, but it would be good to have a debate on this in Committee.
I would also be interested to know whether my noble friend Lord Lipsey has taken into account that in some benefits the first £6,000, and in others the first £14,000, are exempt from the tariff, which in itself is progressive, with those with the most savings hardest hit. It is important we come back to that.
My final point on Dilnot is about the insurance market, which a number of noble Lords raised. What is the noble Earl’s current assessment of the prospects of an insurance market developing? Has his department been in recent communication with the ABI and can he say any more about the confidence that he has in insurance products developing? This is very important in reaching a conclusion about the likely success of the Dilnot proposals in this legislation.
Finally in this area, I turn to a point raised by my noble friends Lord Lipsey and Lord Warner. The actual administration and assessment that will have to take place, particularly as thousands of self funders will need to be assessed under these proposals, will lead local government into a major administrative task and to an increase in disputes and legal challenges. The Joint Committee was not confident that Ministers had fully thought out the implications for local authorities of these changes. Will the noble Earl comment on that and also on my noble friend Lord Warner's suggestion that we need to establish tribunals in order to deal with disputes to keep them out of the courts as far as possible?
Very good points were made about the need for impartial information in relation to Clause 4. When one thinks about some of the financial consequences of the decisions made, it is a powerful argument. I also hope that the noble Earl will respond to my noble
friend Lord Patel in relation to Clause 68 and the question of after-care and the implications that it has in relation to Section 117 of the Mental Health Act 1983. We had extensive debates on these matters only a few months ago. I hope that this is not opening up the question and is not a reinterpretation.
On carers, my noble friend Lady Pitkeathley spoke eloquently about the importance of these provisions, and we welcome them. But there is a question about why they do not relate either to parents caring for disabled children or young carers. As Barnardo’s has said, young carers represent a uniquely valuable group of people whom the Government should be ensuring receive help to address the very serious effects that caring has on their lives. The noble and learned Lord, Lord Mackay, made an important point about the need to ensure that, in the case of children caring for adults, the impact on the child must be given due consideration.
My noble friend Lady Wilkins talked about housing. The point she raised is surely right. What concerns me is the lack of very much reference to housing provision or housing authorities in the Bill. I am sure that we can look forward to some amendments in that direction from my noble friend.
On safeguarding, it is a matter of regret that there is no duty on providers to report to local authorities where they suspect the risk of abuse. It is also a matter of regret that there is no clause allowing for power of entry. This was raised by the Joint Committee and it was clear that there should be a power of entry for local authority representatives where a third party is refusing access to a person who may be at risk of abuse. I know that the Government will say that the consultation produced a lot of people opposed to that. But if we are to take abuse seriously, we should come back to examine whether a power of entry is necessary and should be required.
On Part 2, there is the NHS failure regime. I was pleased that the noble Earl’s officials gave us a briefing on this. It is rather complex and there seems to be a risk of confusion of roles between the two regulators, CQC and Monitor. Will he respond to the question raised by my noble friend Lord Warner about non-foundation trusts? I should have declared an interest as chair of an NHS foundation trust and indeed as a consultant and trainer with Cumberlege Connections. Why are the weaker organisations subject to a much less regulated framework than the foundation trusts? Why are the non-foundation trusts not covered in the Bill?
I am disappointed that there is only a partial implementation of the Francis recommendations, particularly as far as primary legislation is concerned. For instance, where is the duty of candour? We have the offence in Clause 81 of publishing false or misleading information. But Francis wanted a statutory duty of candour on healthcare providers to inform patients or appropriate persons if treatment has caused death or serious injury to the patient. Why is that not in the Bill? Where is the registration of healthcare support workers, as the noble Baroness, Lady Emerton, suggested?
On public health, I agree with noble Lords who regret that there is no provision for standardised packaging
for cigarettes. I look forward to a continuing debate on that matter. On Health Education England, some very important points were raised by noble Lords. I would particularly refer to my noble friend Lord Turnberg’s comments about the LETBs and the need to ensure high quality in training and the involvement of post-graduate deans. As regards research, again, the provisions are very welcome but there is real concern that this country is losing out in terms of the number of multi-centre trials that take place here. Does the noble Earl thinks that the HRA should be given more authority over both the local research ethics committees and NHS trusts in terms of R&D approval? We cannot just leave it to these different bodies when the whole prosperity of our country is in many ways based on this kind of investment.
This has been an excellent debate. We look forward to the responses from the noble Earl. He will know that there are a lot of provisions here that command general support but, ultimately, the real concerns relate to current and future resources, and to the need for the Government to respond strongly in convincing argument about the kind of integrated services that are required to ensure that the provisions of this Bill will be implemented. The Government need to show that they really do get it and are going to come forward with those proposals.
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