I want to concentrate my remarks on the Lords amendments in relation to devolution, but first I will say something about the reports that the Government may yet agree to the removal of part 5 of the Bill. That is all very well and good, but the problem is that the damage is done. It is now known across Europe and internationally that this British Government are prepared to break their word on an international treaty in order to get their own way. Of course, we knew that this Government were prepared to break their word in Scotland already—and, for that matter, so did the Irish—but now everyone knows it across Europe and the world, including the new American Administration.
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Let me turn to devolution. I welcome the removal by their lordships of a number of threats to devolution on the face of the Bill. Scotland did not vote for Brexit, but we did vote for devolution, by 74% in the 1997 devolution referendum. This House should not use something that voters in Scotland did not vote for—Brexit—to undermine something that we did vote for, in very large numbers.
The scheme of devolution was very clear. There was a division between reserved and devolved powers. The Lords have seen through the truth twisting of this Government, and the sleight of hand of the Government in drafting this Bill. And do you know what, Mr Deputy Speaker? They agree with the SNP and think this Bill is a power grab. They do not think that Holyrood is getting any new powers, but they see that Westminster is getting back control over state aid and an explicit power to cut across devolved decision making.
What we are seeing here is a rebalancing of the constitutional settlement in so far as devolution is concerned, and it completely flies in the face of what voters were promised in 2014 during the independence referendum, when we were offered a more powerful Parliament, and, indeed, what we were promised by Michael Gove and others during the Brexit referendum campaign. It does not matter that on 7 October all parties in the Scottish Parliament, apart from the Scottish Tories—what a surprise—voted to reject this Bill, because we know now that the Sewel convention is not worth the paper it is written on. This Brexit process has told Scottish voters a lot about the reality of devolution. It has confirmed, if it were ever in doubt, that power devolved is power retained, and the United Kingdom is not the Union of equals that we were told about during the independence referendum, but rather a unitary state where the Executive can do what they like. We also know that Scotland does not lead the UK as we were told in 2014, but rather must follow where England wishes to go, whether we like it or not.
But the good news and the message that Conservative Members—and, indeed, those in the Labour party—should take away tonight is this: 15 opinion polls in a row in
Scotland show that voters now realise what is happening and they do not like it, and a consistent majority of well over 50% want a second independence referendum and they want to vote for independence. The reality is that no matter what this House does tonight, it is increasingly irrelevant to people in Scotland and to the debate that we are having in Scotland. Before long, it will be Scotland’s turn to take back control, and we will not do so at the say so of this House or this Government; we will do so at the say so of the sovereign people of Scotland.