I suspect that the right hon. Gentleman is drawing on questionable figures—and, possibly, prejudice. I do not have anything immediately to hand that would enable me to counter him. His first point is, effectively, correct: it would only make sense for the governing body of a foundation trust to make sure that the organisation made a net gain. That would be the incentive in any event.
Private income can also be used to make new services viable. A foundation trust might want to open what would need to be a 20-bed maternity unit, but public demand might, for example, fill only 15 beds while private demand might fill five. With the cap in place, that foundation trust could not set up the unit. The trust might want to build a new hospital, offer laser dermatology or provide another technology such as new cancer care services, but with the cap in place, it could not. The trust might also want to buy out private providers—that should get a cheer from Labour Members. However, with the cap in place, it could not.
The real question, which should be in the minds of Labour Members and of the whole House, is what proportion of a foundation hospital’s income may be from private work before NHS patient care begins to suffer. That is the question posed by the self-declared reactionary, the right hon. Member for Holborn and St. Pancras (Frank Dobson). When the issue is put in those terms, it is clear that no one here can answer the question precisely; in many ways, the question is a false correlative. There is no absolute point at which NHS patient care suffers. The suitable balance of public and private work clearly varies from hospital to hospital, which is why taking the base year is arbitrary and unjustified. Furthermore, there is a raft of other ways in which foundation trusts are kept accountable so that they are not short-changing NHS patients for private work: through Monitor, terms of authorisation, the mandatory services schedule, contract variations with PCTs, boards of governors on significant decisions, asset-disposal locks and consultation.
The problem with new clause 13 is that it retains the arbitrary nature at the heart of the problem, and limits the raising of the cap to mental health trusts only. Why has the Minister chosen 1.5 per cent. when some hospitals get as much as 30 per cent. and many as much as 5 per cent.? For mental health trusts, the figure was nil, so 1.5 per cent. is of course an improvement. However, if, as I would argue, one were to apply the principle across the board to include children’s hospitals such as Great Ormond Street, it would be vital to recognise that 1.5 per cent. is no less arbitrary than the other number that has been picked, and the hospital should receive recognition for what it is achieving. Can the Minister clarify where in legislation a mental health foundation trust is defined, because that has been difficult to find for registration purposes?
By failing to address the vagaries of the cap across the rest of the foundation trust sector, the Minister has committed to preserving the unfairness. As a result, the amendment is confused. Why is he not lifting the cap on Great Ormond Street? Is he saying that the care of people with mental illness is more important than the care of children? I hope not, and I do not believe so. By preserving the unfairness, the amendment fails to deal with the problem even-handedly and lets down some of the most needy patients in our NHS. We are therefore minded not to support it, but we cannot put at risk the small benefit to mental health trusts. Therefore, with all that on the record, we will abstain.
It is interesting to note, as a matter of process more than anything else, that the Minister said that the pursuance of a judicial review of Monitor’s permissive interpretation of the legislation—ignoring, for instance, income from joint ventures and arm’s length companies—was a reason not to do anything about the issue in Committee. We are now dealing with the remaining stages of the Bill on its final day in this place, and that judicial review has not yet been concluded. Why is the Minister bringing this measure forward now, whereas previously the review was an excuse for not doing so? I hope that he will give us a justification for that.
Before I sit down, it is my pleasure and privilege to welcome the new hon. Member for Norwich, North (Chloe Smith) to her first debate.
Health Bill [Lords]
Proceeding contribution from
Stephen O'Brien
(Conservative)
in the House of Commons on Monday, 12 October 2009.
It occurred during Debate on bills on Health Bill [Lords].
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