Political Parties and Elections Bill

I thank the hon. Gentleman for that point. Why are the amendments needed? I restate this fundamental truth: it is possible to buy an election. I invite colleagues to visit www.gordonprenticemp.com and click on the blue rosette to find out exactly how much money is being spent in my constituency. There has been a cascade of money over the past two years. [Interruption.] It is not about Gordon Prentice holding on to the Pendle seat; it is about rich individuals pumping millions of pounds into constituencies across the country and buying the next general election. Lord Bach said in the other place that expenditure outside the short period before an election is effectively deregulated. If a rich individual wanted to spend £1 million, £2 million or £5 million a year in a constituency, nothing in the law as it stands would prevent them from doing so. These multimillionaires, some of whom have written books about their tactics, live in their tax havens and influence our politics by bankrolling political parties and buying elections, and their actions pollute our democracy. It is scandalous that Conservative Members, with their lawyerly language, tell us that there are higher considerations that we must take into account. There are no higher considerations. After its experience with the Conservative peer Lord Laidlaw, the House of Lords Appointments Commission now makes tax status a determining factor in deciding whether to elevate someone to the House of Lords. Why does the Appointments Commission do that? It was because Lord Laidlaw, a former vice-chairman of the Conservative party and a self-confessed tax exile living in Monaco, told the commission prior to his elevation in 2004 that he would bring his tax affairs onshore, and then he refused—he reneged on that promise. But he still gave £3 million to the Conservative party and over £100,000 to a candidate for the mayoral elections in London. The Conservative party did not consider that to be tainted money and handed it back; no, it held on to those millions from Lord Laidlaw. Of course, it is not just Lord Laidlaw; there are other Lords as well. Let me finish on this point, in case I am straying out of order: we have heard that there is to be a £7,500 threshold for donations to political parties. Multimillionaires and others who want to give a lot of money to political parties will have to sign a declaration that they are a permissible donor, which will include a reference to their tax status. It will be a criminal offence for them knowingly to give an inaccurate or false declaration, and I say three cheers for that. If they knowingly mislead the wider public, the political party and, indeed, Parliament, they can be sent to jail. These declarations are not new. When we stood, all of us, for election to the House of Commons we had to sign a declaration, which went to the returning officer, saying that to the best of our knowledge we were not disqualified from sitting in this place because, for example, we were a peer or had a criminal record. The idea of asking someone to sign a declaration is well established. The Member for Huntingdon (Mr. Djanogly) raised a few canards earlier. He said—I have heard this until I am blue in the face—that the proposal is hard to implement. Of course it is, but I look to my friends on the Front Bench and to the brainpower of the civil service to close the loophole; that is what we want them to do. We heard from the Member for Huntingdon that the proposal is contrary to European law; well, let that be tested in the courts. We are absolutely doing the right thing. I shall vote for the Government tonight, and I urge all my friends to join me in the Lobby to make sure that the provision gets on to the statute book.