Welfare Reform Bill

I rise to support the general thrust of the Government's proposals. It was noticeable that the main Opposition party also felt that now was the right time to pursue them. I was immensely disappointed that the nationalists seemed to be the only people who said that we should not be trying to ensure that many of our people are not left behind at this difficult time. The Liberals might have said that—I have heard their spokesman before, and I always find myself losing the will to live, so I had to leave the Chamber. It was certainly noticeable that the nationalists were prepared to abandon those people. I welcome the suggestion of the hon. Member for Glasgow, East (John Mason) for a minimum wage of £7. I support £7.50—you get more with Labour. However, it is false of the nationalists to pose an increase in the minimum wage against whether we should try to get people into work. It is possible to campaign for both, as I do. The hon. Gentleman is nodding—I hope that he will endorse that and campaign with me in future on those matters. I do not want to spend all my time praising Government policy—plenty of people here who want a job will do that. I want to consider matters about which the Government are not doing enough, especially challenging behaviour. I regret that their action on drug addicts is not extended to cover those who abuse alcohol. We have an opportunity to raise several questions about addiction and challenging behaviour. We must also examine aspects of the Department's behaviour, especially the way in which non-judgmental positions can contain moral hazards. An example is not making judgments about how some people become disabled. Several outraged citizens in my constituency recently approached me to tell me about one particular gentleman, who can no longer use his legs because he has injected so many drugs into them that they have collapsed. Consequently, he has gone on to the higher rate of mobility allowance and now drives a better car than the vast majority of decent constituents who have worked all their lives. There is something wrong with a system that rewards that sort of bad behaviour. The Government should pick up those questions. Like most of my colleagues, I accept that voluntary participation in schemes such as those that we have discussed is best, if that can happen. However, substantial numbers of people are clearly not willing to participate voluntarily. Earlier today, I had a discussion with somebody who asked, ““Should people have the right to say no?”” Yes, people should have the right to refuse to participate, but they should not have the right to say no, not participate and get my constituents and me to pay taxes to keep them in that condition. The majority of my constituents would take that view. They do not mind paying for those who are genuinely in need, but they are not willing to contribute from, in many cases, their low incomes to those who are seen to abuse the system. Let me consider compulsion or coercion and the provision that we make for those we wish to direct to participation. My right hon. Friend the Member for Birkenhead (Mr. Field) was a bit soft in pursuing some of the issues related to the community programme. I participated in running a community programme, as did my right hon. Friend the Member for Stirling (Mrs. McGuire). Its merits—what it did for the community, for individuals and the way in which that was linked—were enormously helpful and constructive at the time. The Government should consider having community programmes for three groups of people. First, the innumerate and illiterate need to be involved in work experience that is relevant to teaching them numeracy and literacy. Secondly, substantial sections of youth are essentially emotionally illiterate. They have no work experience, have not been brought up in anything that anybody would describe as an appropriate family atmosphere, and many have not had adequate male or female role models. They need to be in a sheltered, semi-working environment to be given a pattern of life for the future. The third group is especially vulnerable and is much more prevalent in my constituency than I am happy to admit—it comprises ex-prisoners. There is a vicious cycle of people failing in the school system, leaving school, getting into crime, going to jail, coming out and then going back to jail. The system does not adequately deal with their educational needs. Earlier this evening, I was on a programme about the Bill on BBC Scotland. As many of my Scottish colleagues appreciate, the BBC has a one-dimensional view of such matters. It always looks for a way in which to identify a problem between Holyrood and Westminster and to consider issues from that perspective. It was made easier for the BBC because the nationalists were unable to provide a Member of Parliament to participate, even though three of them were sitting here like craws on a dyke while the programme was on. Two others appeared later, so they are obviously alive. However, the fact that no nationalists were available at the time did not prevent people from saying that there were difficulties in Scotland about the application of this programme. These are issues that we need to take up with the Scottish Government. The speaker on behalf of single parents made it clear that child care provision was an issue. She argued that Scotland's provision was inadequate, compared with that in England and Wales. That needs to be addressed, as does the question of drug and alcohol treatment. We need to ensure that Westminster and Holyrood work together on these issues. I do not accept the line that there is not enough money in Scotland. What is lacking is will and political commitment. What sort of Scotland do the present Scottish Government wish to create? As I understand it, they are about to spend £20 million buying a Titian painting for the nation, giving it to a tax-dodging duke, at a time when they are also saying that they have no money for provisions such as these. That calls into question their priorities and their commitment to ordinary Scots, particularly when the tax-dodging duke is the Duke of Sutherland, whose family gave us the highland clearances. It is inappropriate for the Scottish Government to say that they have no money in such circumstances—