My Lords, I, too, support and congratulate the noble Lord, Lord Chidgey, on the Bill. I declare an interest in the so-called ““bungs”” inquiry into the football Premier League. I was also adviser to the South African Government, the Romanian Government and the Bulgarian Government on anti-corruption over the course of four to five years. Let no one be in any doubt whatever about the seriousness of corruption. It damages companies, trade and economies. Above all, it damages individuals, often those who are the most vulnerable.
Those of us who have been at the sharp end of investigating corruption, and here I join my noble friend Lord Condon in his comments, have occasionally found it exceedingly difficult to get to the truth of the matter. Complex laws do not allow you to drill down into the real substance and gain the evidence needed to convict people for the type of corruption we are talking about. It is even more difficult when dealing with international corruption, where it can be very difficult to trace money and actions. The current laws on bribery and corruption have been adequately described as, "““obscure, complex, inconsistent and insufficiently comprehensive””."
Surely that situation cannot be allowed to continue. As we heard in earlier contributions, the laws are linked to common law and to statute, and that goes way back. I should perhaps mention that some of these Acts were in force before the Wright brothers flew.
As we heard from my noble friend Lord Jay, London is proud of its position as the financial centre of the world. It is certainly the prime financial centre of Europe, and the nation can rightly be proud of its role in international trade. But can we be proud that five countries, Scandinavian countries, are perceived as less likely than the United Kingdom to offer bribes in business deals? Six countries would be worse. According to a recent survey, UK companies are perceived as far less likely than Russian companies to offer bribes. They are also less likely than French companies to offer bribes. We are, however, not perceived as the best, and I am sure that your Lordships will agree that we should be aiming for that.
I am not going to talk about the BAE business in Saudi Arabia and the Serious Fraud Office inquiry, but I want to make it absolutely clear that, from my point of view, the United Kingdom literally cannot afford to take anything less than the strongest possible approach to corruption, whoever is involved. Those of us who have been advising other countries over the years sometimes find it difficult if reference is made to our own laws in this country, as has occasionally happened to me in the past.
Ten months ago, a ministerial ““champion”” for addressing international corruption was appointed and the Prime Minister announced: "““The United Kingdom has a responsibility to tackle money laundering and bribery where it stems from our own shores and to support developing countries in fighting corruption””."
He is absolutely right, and I look forward to the champion leading Britain to the front of the pack in setting international standards. Where we develop expertise and best practice we also need to share it. We should continue to work closely with the World Bank, for example, in supporting its anti-corruption strategy. And this should not be limited to the public sector. The private sector knows only too well the damage that corruption can cause. It reduces efficiency, creates unstable economies, deters investment and invariably hinders economic growth—except, of course, for the bank accounts of the tiny corrupt elite. So private British-based companies should also be the champions against bribery, and the City should be absolutely clear in its collective attitude to corruption. I believe that it is.
It is also of the greatest importance that our laws are sufficiently clear and robust to ensure that police forces and others can tackle corruption wherever they uncover it. I am afraid to say that I do not believe that that is the case today. Successive Home Secretaries have promised new legislation. We now have the opportunity for action through this Bill and we should take it.
Corruption Bill [HL]
Proceeding contribution from
Lord Stevens of Kirkwhelpington
(Crossbench)
in the House of Lords on Friday, 16 March 2007.
It occurred during Debate on bills on Corruption Bill [HL].
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690 c954-5 Session
2006-07Chamber / Committee
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