West Papua

My Lords, I am grateful to the noble Lord, Lord Harries of Pentregarth, for introducing this debate. It is an important issue in which he has a long-standing interest. The people of West Papua are lucky to have such a fine and vociferous champion in the noble Lord. I have listened carefully to the debate, but must start with a clear statement that the UK does not support independence for Papua. Like the vast majority of other international players, we respect Indonesia’s territorial integrity and have never supported Papuan independence. I note the comments of the noble Lord, Lord Harries, that the people of West Irian have no desire to be part of Indonesia. I respectfully point out that voter turnout of over 70 per cent in the elections last March perhaps suggests that they are becoming a little more content with the situation. The best way to resolve the complex issues in Papua is through promoting peaceful dialogue between Papuan groups and the Indonesian Government. Meaningful dialogue with the Government of Indonesia cannot take place on the basis of preconditions of Papuan independence. President Yudhoyono has said that he is committed to a just, comprehensive and dignified solution, including through consistent implementation of special autonomy. We welcome this important objective, and encourage him to press ahead with it. The special autonomy legislation is enshrined in Indonesian law, and was supported by Papuangroups and the international community. Full implementation of the legislation will lay the groundwork for a sustainable resolution to the internal differences and the long-term stability of the province. The UK is of course also committed to improving the well-being and political participation of Papuan people, as well as encouraging freedom of expression throughout Indonesia. My noble and learned friend Lord Archer of Sandwell cited the economic covenant, and many others have referred to the special autonomy legislation on oil and forestry revenue. The special autonomy legislation grants Papua 70 to 80 per cent of the royalties from natural resources rather than the tax revenue. Papua is receiving this and, to make up for the fact that it receives none of the tax revenue, the central Government pay 2 per cent more than to other provinces in Indonesia under devolution. In 2006, it received $438 million, higher than every other province in Indonesia bar one. My noble friend Lord Griffiths of Burry Port referred to special autonomy issues. Many such issues still need to be implemented in the legislation, but progress is being made; for example, the establishment of the Papuan People’s Council and the election of a provincial governor. Legislation has been, or is in the process of being, approved on the use of Papuan symbols—essentially the flag and certain anthems—the special autonomy budget, forestry issues, protection of customary rights, health and education. Of course, there is much more to be done and we will keep pressing them to do so. The noble Lord, Lord Harries, asked if the Government would support a review of the Act of Free Choice. If your Lordships will forgive me, I have lost that section of my papers, so I will come back to it shortly because I have something to say on that. We are working with the Indonesian Government to support the most pressing economic and social needs of the Papuan people. Under Indonesia’s decentralisation laws, Papua’s directly elected governors and district heads have significant political and fiscal authority. The central Government have devolved control over every area but five to Papua: foreign affairs, defence and security, fiscal and monetary policy, religious affairs and justice. The UK, through the multi-donor decentralisation support facility and other projects, is working to build administrative capacity and ensure that these local Papuan governments are accountable to the people that they serve. I return to the Act of Free Choice. Although we recognise that it was extremely flawed, the UK has no plans to support a review of that Act. We believe that is a matter for the Netherlands and the UN. As the 1962 New York agreement was between the Dutch and Indonesian Governments, and the UN oversaw the 1969 Act, we have little locus to question the legality of either. The 2001 special autonomy law allows the establishment of a truth and reconciliation committee to look at the incorporation of Papua into Indonesia in the 1960s, which we believe indicates that the Indonesian Government recognise the need to address the long-standing problems in Papua. I think that my noble friend Lord Judd mentioned transmigration. Non-Papuan migrants make up about 35 per cent of the total population. However,in 2000 the Indonesian Government ended the transmigration programme in response to concerns about the ethnic mix. Spontaneous migrants continue to arrive in relatively large numbers, but there is no government programme to increase the number of non-ethnic Papuans in the region. I suggest that the special autonomy programme is therefore relevant to the lives of most West Papuans. DfID is closely involved in formulating the governor’s development strategy, which will focus on the millennium development goals. DfID is looking to align its own funding for Papua with the governor’s vision. The DfID-funded multi-stakeholder forestry programme has been working to improve land use in Papua, by supporting detailed mapping and informed policy change. Papua is also a key area of focus for DfID’s HIV/AIDS programme, working through the Indonesian partnership fund for HIV/AIDS. Other donors are also engaged in Papua to improve conditions on the ground. The UK is also working in a number of areas to promote dialogue and improve political participation in Papua. UK-funded human rights projects in Papua include funding for the Indonesian human rights commission—to travel to remote areas of Papua to investigate alleged human rights violations—public education about rights regarding treatment by the police, human rights training for the police and providing a police complaints post. In respect of human rights, we do indeed have an interest, and I hear what your Lordships, including my noble friend Lord Judd, have said about the human rights situation in Papua. We believe that the human rights situation in Papua too is improving. There is little credible information to suggest that major systematic abuses of human rights are currently taking place, although I hear what the noble Baroness, Lady Rawlings, said. The major concerns are chronic low-level harassment, freedom of expression and association, and social and economic rights—as in other areas of eastern Indonesia. Of course, we will continue to take reports of human rights violations seriously; we raise these with the Indonesian Government, together with our European partners and as part of our bilateral dialogue. In response to the noble Lord, Lord Avebury, we will certainly make representations to the German presidency to resume the troika idea. Several Jakarta-based correspondents, including representatives of the BBC and the Washington Post, received permission to visit Papua in 2006, including sensitive areas in the central highlands. We welcome this increased access for journalists. We regularly encourage the Indonesian Government to permit journalists to visit Papua to promote better international understanding of conditions within the provinces. The noble Lord rightly raised the case of Filep Karma and Yusak Pakage who were shamefully imprisoned in 2005 for flying a flag identified with the separatist struggle. The Indonesian Government have obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and their own constitutionto guarantee freedom of expression throughout Indonesia. We encourage the Indonesian Government to implement those obligations. As the noble Lord suggested, our embassy in Jakarta is monitoring the case; it will look into it further and make representations, if appropriate. Several noble Lords mentioned that 100,000 people were killed. There were certainly brutal operations in Papua in the 1970s, which we deeply regret and condemn, but we believe that there is nothing to substantiate the figure of 100,000 people, but even if it were ““only”” 10,000, that is 10,000 too many. We continue to take reports of human rights violations seriously. Papua is one of the wealthiest provinces in Indonesia in fiscal terms. However, most Papuans do not see the benefits of that wealth. Papua is the province with the highest level of poverty—40 per cent of Papuans live below the poverty line—and health, education and infrastructure are consistently below the national average. Much of that discrepancy can be put down to corruption, which is serious and endemic at the local government level. The UK’s projects to build local government capacity, which I described earlier, aim to improve that. We welcome the fact that, at the urging of the new governor, Papua’s provincial budget is now being scrutinised by the national anti-corruption commission. I heard noble Lords’ graphic descriptions. Papua is in many ways the last blot on Indonesia’s global reputation. As the noble Lord, Lord Avebury, said, the situation in Aceh has improved, and perhaps that can be built on. The UK Government believe that the best way forward for Papua and its people is through peaceful dialogue between representatives of the Papuan people and the Indonesian Government and the implementation of the Special Autonomy Law of 2001. We will do all we can to support that process, and we will continue to raise all of these issues with the Indonesian Government. I do not know whether the Prime Minister raised them on his recent visit, but I shall find out and write to the noble Baroness.